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READ HMD REFLECT. 



ADDRESS OF THE 

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE, 



U & & lb A IB S> ff s ft & m ®r is 9 
PROVED TO BE AN ABOLITIONIST ! 



GENERAL TAYLOR, 

PROBABLY PLEDGED TO THE WHIGS OF THE NORTH, 

IN FAVOR OF THE WILMOT PROVISO. 






•Address of the Ventral National Democratic Republican 
Committee to the Democracy of tfie United States, 

Brethren: We deem it our duty to address you briefly upon the present 
aspects of the presidential campaign. 

At the outset we assure you that nothing has yet occurred which Las shaken 
our confidence in the success of the democratic party, and the triumphant elec- 
tion of its illustrious standard-bearers, Lewis Cass and Wm. O. Butler. 

Until the recent elections in Pennsylvania and Ohio, the intelligent members of 
the whig party had given up all hope of the election of their candidates. Their 
nominations had produced disaffection, distraction, and division in their ranks. 
Their military candidate had not only failed to awaken any enthusiasm in his favor, 
but had well-nigh ruined his prospects, faint as they were, by the injudicious cor- 
respondence in which he had indulged. In this stage of the campaign, the elec- 
tions in the western States, and in North Carolina, Maine, and Georgia, occurred, 
and resulted disastrously to the whig cause. The effect of these triumphs ot the 
democracy was to inspire our party with exultation and undoubting confidence in 
the election of their candidates, while it filled the hearts of our opponents with 
fear and dispondency. Hence, while faith in ultimate victoty induced the former 
to relax their efforts, it gave the energy of despair to the latter. 

The result of the recent election in Pennsylvania, where the democratic party 
have a strong and reliable majority, is but the fruit of these two combined causes. 
While in our belief it has not endangered the democratic cause, it proclaims in 



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8 y 

thunder-tones to the democracy the necessity of vigilance, energy, and untir- 
ing ACTIVITY. 

We repeat, we see nothing in the present stale of the campaign to lead us to 
doubt, for a moment, the final success of the democratic party in November. A 
calm and dispassionate view of the recent elections in Pennsylvania and Ohio, 
convinces us that the democracy have nothing to fear from those States in the 
Presidential election. 

In Pennsylvania, all parties and factions opposed to the democratic party united 
on the whig candidate for governor. He was voted for by whigs, native Ameri- 
cans, abolitionists, and Van Buren men. This union of parties and factions upon 
the whig candidate has probably secured his election by a majority not exceeding 
a few hundred votes, while the democratic candidate for canal commissioner was 
elected by a handsome majority. 

In Ohio the democracy had the same combination of factions to encounter. 
Besides, in the State election we did not expect victory. Yet the result, under all 
the circumstances, is most glorious. We have gained in the election of members 
of Congress and the legislature, and, in all probability, have carried our candi- 
date for goi-ernor. 

In view of these results, can there be a doubt that the votes of Permslyvania 
and Ohio will be given to the democratic, candidates in November? We think 
not. Every vote which was cast for Longstreth in Pennsylvania may be relied on 
for Cass and Butler; as may also every vote given to the gallant Weller in Ohio. 
But can all the factions that voted for the whig candidates in those States be de- 
pended upon for Gen. Taylor? If there is any honesty in human nature, they 
cannot be. In the first place, the abolitionists cannot vote for Gen. Taylor. The 
abstraction of the vote of that party from the whig candidate will reduce his vote 
at least S,000 in Ohio, and 4,000 in Pennslyvania. The abstraction also of the 
pretended ""free-soil" faction will take from him many thousand more in both 
States. Neither abolitionists, nor Van Buren men can vote for the whig nominee, 
without proving themselves to be utterly corrupt and unprincipled. To these 
may be added Quakers and other religious denominations, who cannot, upon 
principle, vote for a military caudidate, who now belongs to the army and wears a 
sword by his side. 

We, therefore, believe it to be morally impossible for the whig party to carry either 
PennslyV'inia or Ohio, if our brethren in those States manifestly do their duty, as 
we have every reason to believe they will. 

In addition to the encouraging signs which have been indicated in the State 
elections during the summer and autumn, and the certain prospect of carrying 
Pennsylvania and Ohio in the approaching presidential election, we have the 
strongest assurances that Tennessee, and perhaps even North Carolina, will be 
added to the phalanx of democratic States in November. 

We, therefore, unhesitatingly say to our democratic brethren of the Union, be of 
jjood cheer: Your final success is ceitain, if you do your duty manfully and 
faithfully until the election. But you must no longer fold your arms in inactivity ; 
you must ivork — you must speak — you must write — you must organize forthwith 
in every county, town, and school district; and you must rally every democrat and 
brii'g him to the polls. 

We speak plainly to you, because we would not disguise from you the necessity 
of instant and untiring effort. The unexpected gains of our opponents have 
aroused them from the gloomiest despair to wild and unreasonable hope. It will 
stimulate them to additional exertion, which will render activity and energy more 
necessary on the part of the democracy. Brethren, when we call upon you to make 
the necessary eilbrts for success, we are confident we shall not be disappointed. 



3 

We would address the old democracy — the supporters of Jefferson, Madison, 
and Jackson — and ask if they desire a return of the federal party to power, with 
its odious policy and its obnoxious measures? Aro the fruits of a quarter of a 
century of hard struggle now to be lost for the want of a little effort on your part? 
We do not believe it. 

To our naturalized fellow-citizens — to Frenchmen, Germans, Irish, English, now 
citizens of the United States — we appeal. Do you desire to see the party elevated 
to power that proscribes you — the party that passed the infamous alien law — the 
party who would never permit you to become citizens in this land of liberty, this 
asylum of the oppressed, to which you have come to enjoy the sweets of freedom ; 
the party that openly leagues with the proscriptive native Americans to overthrow 
the democracy, who stand by your rights and privileges? If nut, you cannot fail 
to rally under the banner of democracy, which is the party of equal rights arid 
of liberty. 

To the patriotic people of the United States we would appeal. Do you desire 
the success of the >;arty that opposes your country in every foreign controversy ; 
the party whose leaders have committed "-moral treason'''' in two wars — the war 
with England in iS12. and the war with Mexico in 1847? — the party whose can- 
didate is supported in one portion of the Union because he is In favor of the ex- 
tension of slavery, and in the other because he is not? If not, then cast your 
ballots for the candidates of the party whose feelings are American, and whose 
principles are not hi klen from the people. 

To our democratic brethren we again say. a glorious and splendid triumph is 
within your reach, if you will make the necessary efforts to secure it. Will you 
not do it? We await, in confidence, youtansWer at the ballot-boxes in November. 

Washington. October 1G. 1848. 



•Millard Fillmore's •■Bhoti.ionism Proved, Beyonel the 
Power of Cmtradicticti, 

That Millard Fillmore, the candidate of the Whig party for the office of Vh-e 
President of the United Sta'e-s, is an Abolitionist of ihe most ulna kind, we have 
testimony tha« cannot be denied nor disproved. We call up »'h the people of the 
South to read the following proof's of the opinions and acts of Millard Fillmore', 
with regard to the subject of slavery, and then to determine for themselves whether 
they can trust their great and vital interest to his keeping, as Vice President of the 
United Slates, holding the tasting vote in the Senate. 

So far back as October, 1838. he was interrogated by a committee appointed 
by <; The Anti-Slavery Society of the county of Erie," in his district, with cegard 
to the reception of Abolition petitions by Congress, the annex i»ion of Texas, the 
ABOLITION OF THE INTERNAL SLAVE TRADE AMONG THE S PATES, 
and the IMMEDIATE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OK 
COLUMBIA. The following is his reply : 

Buffalo, October 17, 1S3 5 . 

Sin : Your counnuriiratioii of the 15th instant, as chairman of a committee appointed by -The 
Jnti- Slavery Satiety of the county of Erie' has just come to hand. Ycu solicit iny answer to the 
following interrogatories : 

1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress on the subject of s'avery and thd stive trade 
ought to be receive*!* read, and respectfully considered by the representatives of the peopla ? 

2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this Union, under any circumstances, so 
long as ila'es are held-.thereio. .' 



3<L Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the constitutional power it possesses to abolish 
the internal slave trade between the States ? 

4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the abolition of slavery in the District of 

Columbia ? ^' , . ; , .. 

I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into an argument or to explain at length my 
reasons for ray opinion. I shall therefore content myself for the present by answering ALL your 
interrogatories in the AFFIRMATIVE, and leave for some future occasion a more extended 
discussion of the subject. 

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, MILLARD FILLMORE. 

"YV. Mills, Esq., Chairman. 

In the letter which we have above copied, Mr. Fillmore gave his adhesion to 
all the prominent doctrines of the Abolitionists— doctrines which, if they ever 
prevail, WILL BE FATAL TO THE VITAL INTERESTS OF THE SLAVE 
STATES AND TO THE UNION ITSELF. 

Mr. Fillmore was elected to Congress, and in that body he pursued a course 
which was consistent with the Abolition sentiments avowed by him in his letter 
in reply to the interrogatories of the Abolition Society of the county of Erie, in 
which he resided. One of his first acts was to vote against the well-known Ather- 
lon Resolutions, as the Journals of Congress abundantly prove. 

On the 13th of December, 1838, during the third session of the 25th Congress, 
Mr. Wise moved a suspension of the rules of the House of Representatives, for 
the purpose of introducing a series of resolutions — 

1. To declare " that Congress has no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, or 
in the Territories of the United States. 

2. "That Congress has no power to abolish the slave trade, or prohibit the removal of slaves 
between the States, or the States and the District of Columbia, and Territories of the U. States. 

3. "That Congress has no right to receive petitions relating to the subject of slavery. 

4. " That Congress alone has the power to legislate with regard to the apprehension of fugitive 
slaves. 

5. "That Congress cannot refuse the admission of a State into the Union on account of the 
existence of the institution of slavery in her limits. 

6. " That slaveholders have the right to pa9s through and temporarily sojourn in the non- 
slaveholding States, without the latter becoming ipso facto free." 

On the motion of Mr. Wise to suspend the rules, Mr* Fillmore voted in the 
negative, and against the suspension. 

On the same day, Mr. Slade asked leave to submit the following: 

• 

" Whereas there exSste, and is carried on between the ports iu the District of Columbia and 
other ports of the United States, and under the sanction of the laws thereof, a trade in human 
beings, whereby thousands of them are annually sold and transported from said District to dis- 
tant parts of the country, in vessels belongiug to citizens of the United States ; and, whereas, 
such trade involves an outrageous violation of human rights, is a disgrace to the country by 
whose laws it is sanctioned, and calls for the immediate interposition of legislative authority for 
its suppression: therefore, to the end that all obstacles to the consideration of this subject may 
be removed, and a remedy for the evil speedily provided, 

"■Resolved, That so much of the fifth of the resolutions on the subject of slavery, passed by 
this House on the 11th and 12th of the present month, as relates to the 'removal of slaves from 
State to State,' and prohibits the action of this House on ' every petition, memorial, resolution, 
proposition, or paper touching"' the same, be, and hereby is rescinded - ' 

Objections being made, Mr. S. moved a suspension of the rules, and demanded 
the. yeas and nays; which, being ordered, were— yeas 55, nays 157— Fillmore 
voting in the allirmativr. 

On the 21st January, 1841, Mr. Adams presented and moved the reference of a 
petition, asking the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the 
Territories ; also, that no neio Territory tolerating slavery, may be admitted into 
the Union i 



Mr. Conner moved to lay that portion of the petition which came under the 
standing rule on the table. 

Mr. Adams asked how that was to be done, lor the petition must then necessa- 
rily be cut in two. 

Mr. Warren of Georgia observed that, if the petitioners thought proper to attach 
objectionable matter, not receivable by the House, to their petition, they ought not 
to complain if the whole was rejected. He therefore moved the rejection of the 
whole. 

That portion of the petition coming under the rule, having been laid on the 
table sub silentio, 

Mr. Black of Georgia moved to reconsider the vote, for the purpose, in case it 
should be reconsidered, of moving the rejection of the whole, as he contended 
that no part of it ought to have been received. 

On that motion, Mr. Adams demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered, 
and decided by yeas and nays as follows: yeas 103, nays 51. Fillmore in the 
negative. — See Cong. Globe, page 116; House Journal, page 202. 

On the 3d January, 1843, Mr. Morgan presented a resolution instructing the 
Committee on the Territories to inquire into the expediency of repealing an act 
passed by the Territorial Legislature of Florida, entitled " An act to prevent the 
future migration or emigration of free negroes and mulattoes into said Territory," 
or so much thereof as imposes a capitation tax on such of them as may enter said 
Territory, and authorizes their sale for 99 years for non-payment of said tax. 

Mr. Black moved to lay the resolution on the table. 

Mr. James called for the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and being taken, 
resulted in yeas 113, nays SO. Fillmore in the negative. — See Cong. Globe, page 
107; House Journal, page 131. 

On the 23d February, Mr. Briggs of Massachusetts asked leave to submit the 
following resolution : 

" Where&s all law9 passed by the Governor and Legislative Council of Florida are in full force 
until disapproved by Congress; therefore 

"Resolved, That the Committee ou the Judiciary be instructed, forthwith, to report the follow- 
ing bill : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assem- 
bled, That an act passed by the Governor and Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida, 
approved by the said Governor on the 5th day of March, 1842, entitled " An act to prevent the 
future migration of free negroes or mulattoes to this Territory, and for other purposes," be and 
the same ib hereby disapproved, and shall henceforth be of no force. 

Mr. Meriwether, of Georgia, objected to the reception of the resolution. 

Mr- Briggs moved a suspension of the rules. 

Mr. Fillmore believed that the subject had been referred to the Committee on 
the Judiciary; and he wished to know whether they had reported on it. 

The Speaker 6aid they had not. This resolution was to direct them to report 
forthwith. 

The yeas aud nays were ordered on the suspension of the rules. 

The question was then taken ou the motion of Mr. Brings to suspend the rules; 
and it was decided in the negative— yeas 06, nays 104. Mr. Fillmore voted in the 
affirmative. 

Many other similar votes Mr. Fillmore gave while he was in Congress, which 
it is unnecessary to refer to particularly. They prove beyond the power of con- 
tradiction that Millard Fillmore, the Whig candidate fur Vice President of the 
United States, was an Abolitionist when he became a member of Congress, and 
that all the votes he there gave were consistent with the sentiments and pledges 
contained in his letter dated October 17. 1838, in reply to the Committee of the 
Abolition Society of the county of Erie, in New York, where he. then resided. 



6 

Has he changed his sentiments upon the particular subjects mentioned in that 
lett-r? 

Listen to the testimony of Horace Greely, and his fellow Whigs, convened in 
the city of New York, in November. 1847, to ratify, among others, the nomina- 
tion of Millard Fillmore for the office of Complroller of that State ; to which office 
he was subsequently elected, and now holds. Mr. G,eely wa3 appointed to prepare 
an address and resolutions on the occasion. The following are extracts from the 
address and resolutions prepared by Mr. Greely, and adopted by the meeting: 

" Who these candidates are, you already know — what they are and how much they deserve at 
your hands', vou also know. Idle would it be in this community and before a Whig assemblage 
to waste w.fds of eulogium on HAMILTON FISH, MILLARD EILLMORE, CHRISTO- 
PHER MORGAN, AMBROSE L. JORDAN and their associates on the Whitr State Ticket." 

" Whatever diversity of opinion might exist among us as to other questions, there is none with 
regard to whig principles and measures. On all the great, enduring questions of National or 
State policy involved in the pending contest — Protection to Home Labor, Internal Improve- 
ment, and the RESTRICTION OF SLAVERY within its present Constitutional boundaries— 
we stand where our fathers stood." 

"Within thirty years, the policy of Legislative encouragement to depressed or undeveloped 
branches of Industry, and THE INFLEXIBLE HOSTILITY OF OUR FREEMEN TO ANY 
EXTENSION OF SLAVE TERRITORY UNDER OUR FEDERAL UNION, HAVE 
BEEN REPEATEDLY AFFIRMED BY UNANIMOUS VOTES OF DIFFERENT 
LEGISLATURES OF NEW YORK." 

" Resolved, That we earnestly deprecate, and will resist to the utmost, the Extension of Hu- 
man Slavery under our laws and our flag into any territory previously free from that scourge; 
we deny the Constitutional right so as to extend and establish it, and we call on all who love 
Liberty, whatever their name or party, to unite with us in averting the evil and reproach of 
propaua'ing Bondage from this boasted Land of Freedom. 

Resolved, That in HAMILTON FISH, MILLARD FILLMORE, CHRISTOPHER MOR- 
GAN, AMBROSE L. JORDAN, ALVAH HUNT, and their associates on the Whig State 
Ticket ; we have candidates of proved integrity, undoubted capacity, unsullied character, and 
unwavering Whig principles, whom we are proud to recognize and point to as champions of our 
Cause, and we will give them henceforth, and especial.y next Tuesday, that support which they 
eminently deserve and which our Country's good emphatically requires at our hands." 

Thus the friends and political supporters of Millard Fillmore, in New York, 
among whom, is that notorious Abolitionist, Horace Greely, have given unmistake- 
able testimony injavor of his abolition sentiments. 

Now, men of the South, we ask you if it is possible to deny that Millard Fill- 
more is an Abolitionist? Is he not an "ultra" Abolitionist? 

And yet, you are called upon by Southern men to vote for this undisguised and 
implacable enemy of your vital interests, and your Constitutional rights as mem- 
bers of this confederacy ! Will you do it? 

We appeal to Taylor men. Are you going to vote for Millard Fillmore, the 
enemy of Southern interests and institutions? And how are you going to sepa- 
rate him from Gen. Taylor r. The same electors wlio vole for Taylor will also be 
elected to vote for Fillmore. If you vote for Taylor you also vote for Fillmore. 
You have no other alternative. Are you ready to do it, and thus sacrafice all 
claim hereafter to the support of Northern Democrats, who have alone stood by 
Southern rights and institutione. But, 

IS GEN. TAYLOR SOUND ON THE SLAVE QUESTION? 

In his second letter to Capr. Allison, dated September, 4th, 1843, he thus en- 
dorses the Abolitionist; Fillmore : 

" The Democratic Convention met in May, arid composed their ticket to suit them. This they 
had a right to do. The National Whig Convention met in June, and selected me as the'r candi- 
date. 1 accepted the nomination with gratitude and with pride. I was proud of the confidence 
of such a body of men, representing such a constituency as the Whig party of the United States; 
a manifestation the more grateful because it was not cumbered with exactions incompatible with 
the dignity of tjje Presidential office, and the responsibilities of its incjuibeut to the whole people 



of the nation. And I may avid, that these emotions were increased by associating my name with 
that Of the distinguished citizen of New York, whose acknowledged abilities and SOUND CON- 
SERVATIVE OPINIONS MIGHT HAVE JUSTLY ENTITLED HIM TO THE FIRST 
PLACE ON THE TICKET." 

At the closo of a pamphlet, entitled "• Reasons Good and True for supporting 
the nomination of General Zachary Taylor,'' is a letter purporting to be from a 
person intimate with Gen. Taylor, and supposed to be Major Bliss, from which 
we copy the following passages : 

"With regard to slavery, and extension of terrifory, I assure you that, neither for a slave 
market, nor any other object, was General Taylor in favor of conquest and annexation. He 
was not in favor of receiving Texas into our Union, nor in favor of the recent war with Mexico. 
The only evidence of his being in favor of slavery, that I ever saw or heard of, was the fact 
that he did what every man at the South must do, if he would have servants, viz : either own or 
hire slaves. I do well remember that a part at least of the colored people living in his family 
could read well, and were very pious. I never heard a word from the General in favor of the 
slave system; hut, on the contrary, his decided preference for the institutions and customs of 
the North. 

It is a pity that General Taylor sliould bt: made out a pro-slavery man because his Govern- 
ment keeps him at the South, or for the wrong of allowing his plantation to be on the [Missis- 
sippi, instead of the banks of the Connecticut We are allowed to hang no man upon an in- 
ference. 

I assure you that, if elected, hi will do more for peace and emancipation than any Northern 
man would be allowed to do." 

Moreover, people of the slave Stales, you all know that die Wing party through- 
out the non-slavenolding States are unanimously opposed to slavery, and to the 
farther extension of slavery. As an entire party, in the Northern States, they 
make "Free Soil" their iisue against the Democratic party. Not a solitary Whig 
member of Congress, from the free States, voted against, the Wilmot proviso. 

The Whigs of the free States represent that General Taylor is in favor of the 
Wilmot proviso. They declare that they would not support him if he was not. 
Truman Smith, a Senator elect from Connecticut, and Chairman of the Whig- 
Central Committee in this city, has declared, in a speech in Connecticut, that he 
has jeen a letter from General Taylor, (or was told by a gentleman who saw the 
letter/) in which Gen. Taylor pledges himself not to veto the Wilmot proviso, if 
he shall be elected President of the United States. The Hon. Thomas Corwin 
has made a similar declaration, in a speech delivered by him in Ohio. 

Now. has General Taylor written such letters to different parts of the Union ?■ 
Or, do these honorable members of the Whig party utter gross and deliberate false- 
hoods T 

Again: the leaders of the Whig party at the North know, that if they deceive 
their political followers with regard to the sentiments of General Taylor upon the 
subject of the Wilmot proviso and the extension of slavery, and allow them to be 
cheated, it is certain destruction and annihilation of them as politicians. Do you 
think they are going thus to sacrifice themselves and their party in the Northern 
States, for a temporary ascendancy of four years in the General Government ? — 
Believe it not. 

General Taylor knows that his party supporters thus represent him in the free 
States, and he has not yet contradicted them. If their statements were not true, 
would he not, if he were an honorable man, contradict them ? — Most certainly. 

We are, therefore, fellow-citizens of the South, constrained to say, that, for the 
purpose of gaining the Presidency, the highest earthly honor to which man can 
aspire, we btlieve General Taylor has given assurances to the Whigs of the North, 
that, if elected, he will not veto the Wilmot proviso. 

YOU, then, are to be cheated in this foul juggling for the Presidency. And, if 
Southern men contribute to the election of a I'resident opposed to their peculiar 



8 

interests and institutions, what can they hereafter expect from the North ? What 
can you hereafter claim from Northern men ? We assure you it will be a fatal 
and irretrievable sacrifice of your dearest rights and interests, upon the altar of 
political fanaticism. 



The following paragraphs are extracted from a speech delivered by the Hon. 
Rufus Choate, of Massachusetts, at the late Whig Convention held at Worcester 
in that State, for the nomination of Governor and Lieutenant Govemor. They 
contain an acknowledgment that the Whigs of New England are opposed to the 
further extension of slavery: 

"And then, Mr. President, when, in the progress of time, the attention of the 
public mind began to be drawn a little more directly to the great subject of human 
freedom and human slavery, the Whigs, the true party of national progress, 
silentlv incorporated another great doctrine into our creed; and that was to the 
end THAT THE AREA OF bLAVERY SHOULD NOT BE EXTENDED ; 
that the agitating questions should not be introduced which would shake this 
glorious Union to the centre; that we would have no more territory anyhow. 
On that new creed, we rallied as a party against the annexation of Texas. Yes, 
sir, what party was it that has glorified aud immortalized itself by its resistance 
to the admission of Texas ? Why, it was our party, sir, the Whigs of the nation. 
And who was it that brought Texas into the Union, with all our woe, with loss of 
Eden? Aye, who was it r Who, but a portion of the party of the Democrats 
and the best personal friends of Martin Van Buren." 

" I say nothing for myself, but as a great English debater once said, and I am 
sorry I am so nearly able to say it with truth, " I am old and slow,'' and speak 
not my judgment, which is nothing but the recorded opinions of 1840. But sup- 
pose he would not veto the law of Congress, prohibiting slavery in the new terri- 
tories, neither will Gen. Taylor veto such a law. On this ground, there- 
fore, we will do just as much for freedom with him as with Martin Van Buren ; 
while along with it you have peace, honor, quiet, and the whole vast body of 
Whig doctrines into the bargain." 



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